Monday, 7 July 2014

J7 Statement Condemning the Vandalism of the 7/7 Memorial in Hyde Park

Since the inception of the July 7th Truth Campaign in 2005 by a dedicated and independent group of researchers, we have been careful to adopt a serious approach to our research and conduct all our research through official channels while maintaining the utmost respect for the victims, the injured and the bereaved at all times. 

Over the course of the last nine years J7 has ensured that our inquiries to get to the truth about what happened on 7th July 2005 are deliberate, concise and aimed at uncovering specific pieces of information that have not or would not have been available in connection with the story of 7/7.  

J7's research is widely regarded and respected to the extent that our research and publications were cited at the opening of the official 7/7 inquests and referenced again at the close of the inquests process.  Our factual submissions to the inquests can be viewed here.

The July 7th Truth Campaign has never supported, encouraged, nor even seen the need for mindless publicity stunts (see addendum here) that ostensibly purport to bring attention to the many still unanswered questions about the events of 7th July 2005, and nor will we ever.

We categorically condemn the idiotic stunt of defacing of the 7/7 memorial in Hyde Park on the eve of the ninth anniversary of 7/7, the only outcome of which can be to alienate survivors and the bereaved.  Such ill-considered and blatantly offensive antics can only serve to cause upset, inflame emotions and further confuse the issue of what happened on 7/7 while smearing the good name and good standing of the July 7th Truth Campaign and our research.

J7 continue to tread the extremely narrow path between the State's still unproven narrative orthodoxy and the transparently lunatic fringe of the 7/7 Ripple Effect disciples, who appear convinced that they know what happened after watching a film by someone who claims to be a messiah and the rightful King of Britain and Israel.

No supporter of the July 7th Truth Campaign would ever promote such evidence-free films that fabricate their own equally implausible narratives, nor any media or articles that purport to offer the truth about the events of 7/7.  Despite 9 years of ongoing research, the July 7th Truth Campaign has repeatedly stated that that there exists insufficient evidence in the public domain for the truth to be known.

As is the way of J7, we will continue to ask the correct, difficult and unanswered questions about the events of 7/7 instead of proposing answers for which there exists as little supporting evidence as there does for the official narrative.

Sunday, 7 July 2013

7/7 London Bombings: Eight Years On - Conspiracy Theories and Conspiracy Facts

July 7th 2013 marks the eighth anniversary of 7/7/2005, the day of the event referred to as the London bombings.  It also happens to coincide with Andy Murray's 7/7 win at Wimbledon, making him the first British man to win Wimbledon for - wait for it - 77 years.  The boy from Dunblane done good.  (The last British person to win Wimbledon was Virginia Wade in the Silver Jubilee year of '77, which was also Wimbledon's centenary year and marked by the queen in attendance at the final for the first time since her coronation.)

In the eight years that have passed since 7 July 2005, superficially, nothing much has changed. The 7/7 narrative stands as it has done since three months after the event occurred, accepted and unchallenged.  Beneath the surface, however, a great deal has changed, albeit not with the official conspiracy theory.  The official 'narrative' of events, aside from amendments the government was forced to make to it as a result of challenges to its authenticity made by J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign, remains unchanged and, unbelievably, unproven to any degree by any of the evidence released since.  

However, in the wider historical and political context of what are routinely dismissed as 'conspiracy theories' about State vaunted narratives, since 2005 a good number of other political challenges to dominant narratives have been revealed to be not as the imaginings of wild-eyed loons, but 'conspiracy facts'.   The tough question here with regard to these new conspiracy fact things is quite where to start with them and at what point to end to ensure that sufficient depth and breadth of coverage has been given to each, and to an exploration of the logical implications that necessarily follow a new understanding of historically significant events.

The Irish Conspiracy Theories

Before Islam featured in earnest in the list of mythical enemies against which we must all unite, its predecessors were the Irish who, the narrative of the time held, were responsible for unleashing untold violence on mainland Britain in service of clearly stated political objectives.  In some cases they did, but many cases tell a different story.  Since 2005 we have learned that the IRA and its political wing, Sinn Fein, were infiltrated to the extent that as many as one quarter of its membership were in some way cooperating, collaborating—nay, conspiring—with the British police, army and security services.  

If the IRA leadership becomes the focus then the level of infiltration by the British State rises to an incredible 50%. So, with regard to the 'Irish enemy' the chances are that they were nowhere near as menacing as made out to be and, in cases where they might have been, the State would have had - at the very least - oversight of any planned activities, through to involvement in those actions against subjects and UK residents.  This is not to say that the IRA didn't conduct attacks, just that politically motivated attacks tend to be aimed at political targets rather than innocent civilians, the latter has overtones of Operation Gladio's strategy of tension.

Consider also that many of the crimes attributed to the IRA, for which people were illegally and unjustly convicted and whose convictions were eventually overturned, and for which they suffered extended periods of imprisonment, have - like the 7/7 bombings - to this day not yet had one person justly and successfully prosecuted for their commission. 

The conspiracy theories about 'Irish terror' of old are the conspiracy facts of today.

The Iraq Conspiracy Theories

It was in 2005 that Conservative MP Andrew Tyrie became Founding Chairman of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Extraordinary Rendition that examined the issue of extraordinary rendition and other related issues of State criminality.  Tyrie quoted the 'right honourable' Jack Straw MP as saying:
"Unless we all start to believe in conspiracy theories and that the officials are lying, that I am lying, that behind this there is some kind of secret state which is in league with some dark forces in the United States… there simply is no truth in the claims that the United Kingdom had been involved in rendition."

In late October 2012 Ian Cobain, in his book Cruel Brittainia, disclosed that Britain had been advised "within days" of 11th September 2001 of the American's plans to abduct 'suspects' and transport them to secret military prisons around the world.  Cobain also revealed that "MI5 and MI6 officers carried out around 100 interrogations at the US prison in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.  Guantanamo's Camp Seven didn't officially exist for two years owing to a conspiracy to keep its existence secret, and it is there the CIA abuses and violates 'interrogates' its 14 choice alleged 'terrorists' and for which a $49 million request for a Camp Seven revamp has recently been submitted by the United States Southern Command.

In light of these revelations it's worth re-considering Jack Straw's words:
"Unless we all start to believe in conspiracy theories and that the officials are lying, that I am lying, that behind this there is some kind of secret state which is in league with some dark forces in the United States… there simply is no truth in the claims that the United Kingdom had been involved in rendition."

For the avoidance of doubt and in Straw's own words, everyone was right to believe in the rendition and torture "conspiracy theories"; right to believe "that the officials [were] lying"; right to believe that "[Jack Staw was] lying" and, further, right to believe "there is some kind of secret state which is league with some dark forces in the United States."  

Another so called conspiracy theory was, in a relatively short period of time, exposed as a conspiracy fact.  Better still, we have in the words of Jack Straw official confirmation of the existence of a "secret state" that operates hidden from public view, thereby making the age old "conspiracy theory" about the existence of an international Secret State, officially, a "conspiracy fact".

The Police Infiltrators Conspiracy Theories

Activists, usually of a left-wing persuasion, have long been the common enemy of capitalism and States that exist only to defend capital, property and private interests from those who necessarily have to go without to maintain the imbalance, have routinely been an issue, as far back as the Walsall Anarchists and beyond.  The State tries to persuade us that those that have human rights, workers' rights, animal rights - in fact any sorts of rights that the State, in service of capital, seeks to deny while simultaneously denying it is doing so - are malicious and malevolent people, bent on violence and menace to achieve their goals.  

The reality is very different most of the time, and on the occasions when it isn't, the years since 2005 have revealed many instances when it has been at the behest, not of committed political activists seeking to defend rights, but by State infiltrators who act as the protagonists and provide the means and method by which violent actions can be brought about.

Ongoing revelations about the depth and extent of the infiltration carried out by Bob Lambert, for example - who incidentally also happened to establish the Muslim Contact Unit (MCU) in 2002, whose existence seems to have not been reported until 20 July 2005 before receiving passing mention again in 2013 - offer a small insight into the nature of the State's conspiracy against activists, seekers of justice, the Irish, and now Muslims. Outstanding allegations again Lambert include an act of terrorism, perjury, assuming the identity of a dead child, and we should include his abuse of the women he misled into believing he was something and someone other than he was.

As yet, we have no idea what the real function of Lambert's Muslim Contact Unit, set-up three years before 7/7, might have been.  The parallels between the approach to activists and the way similar methods are applied to alleged 'terrorists' should inform everyone about how the State views challenges to its presumed authority.

Another conspiracy theory confirmed as conspiracy fact, and it's beginning to look like conspiracy is the default mode of operation in many ruling class circles.

And so it goes on

Many political challenges to State positions are often dismissed out of hand at the time as 'conspiracy theories'.  Recently, many of these conspiracy theories have, not for the first or last time, turned out to be 'conspiracy facts'.  And yet these 'conspiracy facts' are not related to relatively insignificant matters.  They relate directly to the dominant narratives championed by the State and the new Ministries of Propaganda formed by State and mainstream media broadcasters.

Conspiracy facts have overturned many received historical narratives intended to nudge the attitudes and opinions of the people in to a political worldview that ensures the status quo goes unchallenged.  As these illusory narratives melt away in tandem with any illusions that may have existed about the nature of the State and it's role in societies, so too melt away the last vestiges of the credibility of the State, its actors and its corporate co-conspirators.

While there may not be much by way of news and information about anything directly connected to the actual crimes that occurred on 7th July 2005, the story is far from over.  Freedom of information requests from concerned subjects insistent on chipping away at the tablet of State lies will continue; undoubtedly many will be refused as has happened in the past, we can but try. 

Eight years on from 7/7, J7's demand for a fully independent public inquiry, held outside of the terms of the Inquiries Act 2005, still stands, with added fervour now that the official Inquests process did not include the deaths of those accused of perpetrating the attacks in its scope.

J7's demand for the State to RELEASE THE EVIDENCE abides.

Monday, 6 February 2012

Luton Station car park - recovering the truth

Every now and then J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign is contacted by ordinary people who have a need to tell their side of the 7/7 story. More often than not it is precisely these accounts and voices that are absent from the major media coverage, perhaps because their stories often contradict the official 'narrative' and inquest versions of events. We would all do well to bear in mind that, as is so often the case, the real stories of events like 7/7 are the stories of ordinary people, going about their ordinary daily business - the 99% - from the commuters and workers who were initially attacked, right through to the ordinary workers who set about finding, treating and rescuing the injured and those others who assisted with picking up the pieces; train drivers, station staff, paramedics, emergency services personnel, hospital workers; the list goes on.

The Vehicle Recovery Worker's Story

Recently, we were contacted by a vehicle recovery worker, Mr Derek Allison, who, after reading J7's coverage of the 7/7 inquest proceedings, felt moved to recount his version of events with regard to the Fiat Brava that was removed from Luton Station car park on 7th July 2005.

Derek Allison worked for J & K Recovery as a recovery driver and received a call to attend Luton Station car park at 5.30pm on 7th July. A lot of vehicle recovery work was undertaken on behalf of Bedfordshire Police and he was informed that the vehicle to be collected was a UIC (Used In Crime) vehicle, a red Fiat Brava, although no further details were provided.

Allison was surprised on his approach to Luton Station when he found that Station Road had been cordoned off and there were at least two police vans and several police officers present. Still more police officers were in the immediate vicinity of the Fiat Brava that Derek had been instructed to collect. He noticed that the Brava's passenger side front window was open about an inch. Under normal circumstances this would usually enable him to either push the window further down to gain access, or to use a lock-out kit to open the door and release the handbrake. However, the window wouldn't open and he didn't have his lock-out kit with him. He noted that there was a pay and display ticket on the car valid until 23.59 on 7th July and a valid road tax disc displayed. Allison, however, didn't see any parking ticket attached to the windscreen and, generally speaking, any vehicles that had transgressed Luton Station car park regulations would end up being clamped, rather than towed.

Beause of the height restriction of the car park barrier, Derek's own recovery vehicle was unable to enter to collect the Brava directly. A second, smaller recovery vehicle was called for and the Brava was transferred onto Derek's vehicle outside the car park, and then driven to J & K Recovery's vehicle compound in Leighton Buzzard. Derek then used a forklift truck to lift the Brava and place it in the area of the compound reserved for cars picked up on behalf of the police.


The car remained in the same position in the compound from the evening of 7th July right the way through until 12th July. Despite the car being identified as UIC, no representatives of Bedfordshire police attended to carry out forensics inspections on it.

At 8pm on Tuesday 12th July, Derek received a phone call asking him to attend the vehicle compound in Leighton Buzzard. That day he had been watching news reports of controlled explosions on a Nissan Micra at Luton Station. When he arrived at the J & K Recovery compound he was greeted by officers from the bomb squad and SO13 and was asked to move the Fiat Brava into the covered garage for the forensics. This was done using a fork lift truck and he then used a lock-out kit to open the door for the forensics team to investigate the interior of the car. Allison was then present whilst items were removed from the Brava, and he recalls that these items included a pile of clothes, boxes, which may have been cool boxes, a gun, ammunition and a great deal of paperwork.

What concerned Derek is that his experience of the Fiat Brava aspect of the story directly contradicts sworn testimony given to the 7/7 Inquests, the self-styled 'final words' on the story of 7/7 as far as the State is concerned.

The 7/7 Inquest Version of the Fiat Brava Story

During the opening week of the 7/7 Inquests, Hugo Keith QC read from the statement of DC Andrew Donaldson describing events around the Fiat Brava:
Mr Williams had to force entry into the vehicle in order to conduct his procedures as the doors were locked and there were no keys present with the car. This entailed a front window being smashed.

Derek Allison knows this to be untrue. The front window of the Brava was not smashed and the explosives officer, Mr Williams, did not force entry to the car. On the contrary, Derek Allison was asked to use the lockout kit to open the door, which is precisely what he did. This information would have been available to the inquest teams as Allison gave a statement in May 2006 after being contacted by DS Richard de Cadenet [brother of Amanda de Cadenet] to give a statement. An interesting aside, particularly for anyone unfamiliar with the outstanding success of arrests related to the Operation Theseus investigation, and in a similar way to the investigating officers in the case of Imran Bham, Richard de Cadenet was himself later arrested and imprisoned for fraud.

J7 have been studiously submitting Freedom of Information requests since the inquests into the 52 ended to enable us to examine the many further anomalies that have arisen during these proceedings. One Freedom of Information request was sent to Bedfordshire Police asking why the Brava had been towed from Luton Station on 7th July 2005. This had not been explained during testimony or cross examination.

During his testimony to the inquests DI Kindness stated that the removal of the Brava was captured on CCTV and that this CCTV would be shown during the inquest proceedings, but this never happened. Certainly the cordoning off of the entire station car park and the number of police officers present at Luton Station on the day absolutely requires some explanation. Given the official investigation timeline, it is hard to imagine quite what it was that had inspired the police to cordon off the entire car park and maintain such a heavy police presence for what nobody would have suspected to be any other than an ordinary Used in Crime car recovery situation.

The response to the J7 FOI request from Bedfordshire Police was refused and they instead replied with a link to a publicly available statement by Bedfordshire Police issued in February 2011, which states:
Weeks later, the tragic and terrible events of 7 July prompted an immediate national police response. In Bedfordshire that included using 'Automatic Number Plate Recognition' (ANPR) technology on the evening of July 7 to locate suspicious vehicles in the county's railway car parks. The Fiat Brava was found in the Luton railway car park because it was identified as a vehicle used in the previous aggravated burglary. It was immediately removed to a secure garage for subsequent forensic examination in relation to the May offence, and regarded as a break in the Luton investigation. Clearly, once the Met Police had examined the CCTV footage from the car park, it quickly became apparent that the Fiat Brava was also significant to the 7/7 Bombing investigation. The car was then handed over to the Met Police for further investigation.
An open vehicle compound can hardly be described as 'a secure garage' and no explanation is offered for why 'no subsequent forensics' on the Brava were carried out in connection to the burglary until the events of 12th July. Did other police forces also carry out searches for 'suspicious vehicles in their railway car parks' on 7th July and why was this considered necessary? What would a 'suspicious vehicle' look like? Derek is not aware of a higher than normal number of vehicles being removed that day and given that the Brava exhibited a pay and display ticket issued that morning would it not have made better policing sense to monitor the car to see who returned to it in the few hours that remained until the pay and display ticket expiry time of 11.59pm?  Why did the 7/7 Inquest hear that the Brava was entered by smashing a front window which Derek knows is a lie? And why, so far, has no official body had the temerity to explain quite what the pressing need was to cordon off all of Luton Station for a routine vehicle recovery in the early evening of 7th July 2005?

Monday, 3 October 2011

New 7/7 Video by Tom Secker, 7/7: Crime and Prejudice

A recently released film about the subject of 7/7, based on the researches and investigations of J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign, which includes details of the British State's history of collusion and complicity in previous terrorist attacks, coverage of related news and stories, as well as information about the proceedings that took place at the 7/7 Inquests:
A brand new investigative and analytical documentary from the maker of 7/7: Seeds of Deconstruction. It explores the 7/7 cold case via new evidence from the recent inquests and discusses the war on terror in the context of numerous miscarriages of justice and acts of violence committed by the state.

The first section of the film examines the history of the British state's use of double agents, from the Victorian Anarchists through WW2 to the war in Northern Ireland. It concludes by examining contemporary cases of injustice and violence carried out as part of the war of terror against Muslims. 

The second section of the film is a multi-dimensional study of the new evidence made available at the recent inquests. It looks at the evidence of a wider conspiracy and the fundamental flaws in the official narrative and the police investigation. It also discusses why the dialogue about 'intelligence failures' itself fails to address the very real possibility of state involvement in the attacks. 

The final section of the film returns to the Anarchists and the case of Martial Bourdin, Britain's first suicide bomber, in 1894. The mythology surrounding Bourdin is used as a foundation for examining the numerous films, tv shows training exercises and real life events that either predicted 7/7 or were influenced by the attacks. The question of conspiracy theories is addressed through an original analysis unique to this film. 

7/7 Crime and Prejudice combines a presentation of the cutting edge of July 7th research with a deeply contextual analysis that casts light on largely unexamined aspects of the war on terror. 

For further information about 7/7 please visit the website of the July 7th Truth Campaign and their dedicated 7/7 Inquests blog:

http://julyseventh.co.uk/
http://77inquests.blogspot.com/
 

Tuesday, 12 July 2011

Murdoch phone hacking and 7/7 Investigation

From: "J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign"
To: homeaffcom@parliament.uk
Date: Tue, 12 Jul 2011

To the members of the Home Affairs Select Committee

The revelations of phone hacking by News International calls into question the role of the police and the Murdoch press during the investigation into the London Bombings on July 7th 2005.

A Times report written by Daniel McGrory and dated 25/08/2005:
The youngest of the July 7 bombers, he made three desperate telephone calls begging for help from the other members of the terror cell minutes before he blew himself up on a London bus.

The frantic last messages are seen by Scotland Yard as vivid proof that the British-born Muslim extremists intended to die in the attacks.

Knowing that all four men were supposed to synchronise the timing of the explosions, Hussain ran out of King’s Cross Underground station and tried to reach his accomplices by mobile telephone.

It was just before 9am, but by then all his fellow bombers were already dead. The other three had triggered their devices within seconds of one another at 8.50am.

Hussain is believed to have first called Mohammad Sidique Khan, 30, the alleged leader of the group, saying: “I can’t get on a train. What should I do ?” Then in quick succession he left the same message for Shehzad Tanweer and Jermaine Lindsay as, clearly agitated about his next move, he hurried away from the station.

A police source who has heard the telephone calls said: “His voice was getting more and more frantic with each call.” Investigators could tell from his breathless voice that Hussain was walking fast as he made these calls.

These messages were not played nor even were they claimed to exist during the recent 7/7 Inquests.

We need to know:

Did the Times hack the phone messages of the 4 accused of 7/7?

Who was the ‘police source’ who gave this information to the Times?

Why did the 7/7 Inquests not have an opportunity to hear these messages?

Why did the 7/7 Inquests not refer to these messages?

Regards

J7: the July 7th Truth Campaign

Thursday, 7 July 2011

6th Anniversary of 7/7

On the 6th anniversary of 7/7, J7 are once again forced to reiterate our demand for a fully Independent Public Inquiry held outside of the constraints of the Inquiries Act 2005.

At the conclusion of the 7/7 Inquests, Lady Justice Hallett named the 4 accused, Khan, Tanweer, Hussain and Lindsay as the perpetrators of the events of 7/7, despite the clear legal constraints that apply to Coroners and their ability to apportion guilt. Hallett concluded the inquest proceedings by refusing to resume the Inquests into the deaths of the 4. As part of our efforts to get to the truth of 7/7, J7 submitted a clear, detailed and reasoned submission to the inquests outlining why the resumption of these Inquests was imperative. J7's submission for resumption can be read here

As we stated in our submission:
  • The lack of representation of the families of the 4 men allowed any and all of the evidence presented to go unchallenged, meaning no witnesses called to the inquests were cross examined on behalf of the families of the accused.
  • The Inquests sat without a jury.
  • The Metropolitan Police investigation, Operation Theseus, was deemed to be outside the scope of the Inquests and thus the entire investigation behind Ian Blair's "largest criminal inquiry in English history" remains unexamined and unquestioned.
  • The Inquests for the 4 accused, in which a verdict of suicide would require a criminal standard of proof, were not resumed.
There are many glaring holes in the evidence that was presented to the Inquests, as detailed on the J7: 7/7 Inquests Blog which we set-up specially to report on the inquests, yet these potential showstoppers for the official narrative of events went unreported in the mainstream media. The absolute pressing necessity for a fully independent Public Inquiry is now greater than ever in order to enable anyone to have any confidence in the evidence by which the guilt or innocence of the four accused might be established. To date there has been no proper legal scrutiny of this evidence. Furthermore, in cases of alleged suicide, the intent to commit suicide must be proven and this burden of proof has not yet been met.

Without a full Public Inquiry, it remains the case that:
  • The bodies of Tanweer and Khan were not included in the 'Life Extinct' body counts carried out on 7th July by Dr Morgan Costello.
  • The police viewing of the Luton Station CCTV footage was conducted as early as 10th July, despite the official account clearly stating that the men were identified on CCTV at King's Cross Thameslink on 11th July, and that it was this discovery that led the investigation to Luton as a possible site of interest.
  • There exist no sightings of three of the men, Khan Tanweer and Lindsay, after the footage from King's Cross Thameslink, some way from the Underground tube network. Apparently the temporary CCTV system that was installed at King's Cross underground malfunctioned for the 20 crucial minutes between 8.30 and 8.50. Additionally, there are no recordings of the three from any other cameras. This means that there is absolutely no CCTV evidence that shows three of the accused anywhere on the London Underground network on the morning of 7 July 2005.
  • No CCTV from the pre-explosion tube carriages has been released, despite this CCTV apparently existing, and despite it being crucial evidence which could confirm or deny that three of the men boarded the carrriages they are alleged to have boarded. This CCTV should also have been made available to Colonel Mahoney when the expensive modelling of likely injuries sustained by the deceased was conducted to make up for the lack of any internal post mortems on the victims.
  • No CCTV exists from McDonald's showing whether Hussain actually used the premises to insert a new 9v battery into his apparently malfunctioning bomb, as it was revealed during the inquests that the store manager can be seen on CCTV (oh the irony) turning off the CCTV system before Hussain entered.
  • No CCTV exists of Hasib Hussain on either of the buses he is alleged to have boarded. There is no footage of Hussain aboard the number 91 bus, nor the number 30 bus he is alleged to have destroyed, nor is there any street or traffic camera footage showing him boarding either bus.
  • There is a huge discrepancy between the explosives allegedly used, as given in sworn evidence to the Jean Charles de Menezes Inquest, and the evidence that Clifford Todd gave to the 7/7 Inquests.
  • There is strong evidence in the public domain to suggest that at the heart of the story behind 7/7 lay at least three operatives for both the British and American Intelligence services, one of which served an insanely short period in a US prison, for greater crimes than those his testimony put behind bars for far longer terms, before being quietly released.
These questions and many more can be found on the 7/7 Inquests blog.

Six years on from an event with the largest single loss of life in London since the blitz can the Metropolitan Police, with it's long track record of complicity in facilitating Miscarriages of Justice -- and given the recent revelations that it is implicated in the Murdoch News of the World phone hacking scandal -- be allowed to offer a 'narrative' which is so deeply flawed and suspect? How about a 'narrative' which has remained unexamined and unchallenged except by J7? A 'narrative' that has ascribed guilt to four men without their families having the opportunity and legal representation to question, particularly when the four accused have been denied their own Inquest proceedings? Or a 'narrative' deemed outside the scope of inquiry by the 7/7 Inquests, and a 'narrative' which has led to the demonisation of the Muslim population? This is the same flawed and unproven narrative that has been the basis for the questioning of multi-culturalism and a 'narrative' which has done much to fuel the race-hate and bigotry of the far-right neo-fascist organisation, the EDL.

Current Prime Minister, David Cameron, has announced not one but two inquiries into the ongoing criminal exploits and activities of the press and police, just as news was breaking that the families of 7/7 victims were also victims of phone hacking at the hands of Murdoch media. This means that, as if we woke to find outselves in the midst of a Kafka novel, it is apparently right and proper to investigate whether or not the families of 7/7 victims had their mobile phones hacked, but it is not right and proper to have a full, in-depth, independent public investigation into how those same families of the 7/7 victims lost their loved ones.

J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign continue to say NO! This will not stand! Only a fully Independent Public Inquiry held outside of the constraints of the Inquiries Act 2005 has the vaguest chance of getting to the truth behind the 'narrative' of 7/7.

J7 will be writing again in the near future to ask for your continued support in our joint campaign for the truth about 7/7, and we will provide a few suggestions for ways you can help us pressure the government into commissioning an independent public inquiry.

For truth and justice,
J7: The July 7th Truth Campaign

Wednesday, 15 June 2011

A Nissan Micra Tardis?

The official narrative would have us believe that three of the 7/7 accused, Khan, Tanweer and Hussain, left Leeds in the early hours of the morning of 7th July 2005 after visiting 18 Alexandra Grove (the apparent 'bomb factory') and loading a rented Nissan Micra with home-made explosives of the type shown here:

The quantity of 'bulk explosives' claimed to have been found at 18 Alexandra Grove

According to the testimony of senior forensic investigator, Clifford Todd, only one of these substances was shown to be potentially viable as an explosive.
Q. Were there different types of sludge at the address?
A. Yes, there were two types. One was much darker than the other. One was a fairly light, sandy, yellow-brown colour. The other type was a much darker brown colour.
Q. Was there a difference between them, their effects?
A. Yes. The darker brown material, after various tests done at the laboratory, was found not to be energetic, so would not work as an explosive. The lighter, sandy-coloured material, that was shown, in at least one specific case, to be a high explosive.
That none of these containers could be forensically linked by either DNA or fingerprints to any of the four accused is an area which received no scrutiny or examination when DC Reynolds, of SO15 Counter-terrorism Command forensic management team, gave his testimony. Hussain's fingerprints were apparently found on only one plastic container which it was claimed contained HMTD. [1/02/2011 p13 13-15]

So, after collecting approx 40Kg of a light brown sludge that in "at least one specific case" could potentially possess explosive properties, the three men drove off in the rented Nissan Micra. Of note is that any less than "at least one specific case" would in fact mean that the sludge was potentially explosive in exactly "no specific case".

Despite much discussion of counter-surveillance methods by the use of 'operational phones' solely for use between the four accused, Shehzad Tanweer appears to have been quite content to give his 'operational phone' number on the rental agreement for the hired Micra. We know this because it is claimed that the car hire company called this phone on 7th July at 14.58, although, perhaps a little strangely, this was before the end of the rental period and we can only wonder what might have prompted this contact. This point was also contradicted by the statements from the car hire company read to the Inquests on 14/10/2010. [See pages 44 & 47]



A Nissan Micra is a very small car with a very limited boot capacity - yet it contained three men, two cool boxes, 40Kg of bulk explosives, five large rucksacks and a variety of other items, as shown in the picture below:


The items that were forensically linked to Khan, we are told, did not include the rucksack left behind in the Micra, nor the cool boxes which presumably contained the explosive substance, but  were  instead innocuous everyday items to which everyone can be forensically linked at a moment's notice: carrier bags, biros, sweet wrappers, etc.

According to the read statement of Sarah Lancaster, a Senior Case Officer in the Forensic Explosives Laboratory, also contained within the Micra must have been freezer ice blocks:
Based on my observations at the scene, my subsequent examination of the items submitted to this laboratory and in conjunction with the police photographs provided, it is my opinion that the damage in and around carriage 6713 of the Circle Line Underground train was consistent with a detonation of several kilograms, probably in the order of 10 kilograms, of a high explosive substance. [2/02/11 p46:6]

... exhibits which were reassembled to demonstrate that they were part of the freezer ice blocks and packs wrapped around the bomb. She concluded: "The use of freezer ice blocks and packs primarily suggests that it was necessary to keep a component of the IED cool. [ibid p50:15]



No explanation is given for the contents of the black bags in the right hand cool box - what did they contain?

After arriving at Luton station car park, and parking next to Lindsay's Fiat Brava, we presume that the men stood at the boot of the Micra and assembled their explosive devices - if they were already packed, primed and ready to go inside the rucksacks there would have been little need for the ice packs inside the cool boxes. It is also hard to see where five rucksacks already packed with explosives would have fitted into the Micra along with the three men as the boot was already full with the cool boxes.

Would any serious 'terrorists' with murder on their minds choose to park at a busy commuter station next to a pay and display machine and adjacent to an exit from the car park - in the position that the two blue cars can be seen in the image below - during the early morning rush hour if they were intending to construct these devices, packing them with ice packs and inserting initiating devices of wires, light bulbs and batteries? Standing at a boot of a car at a busy commuter station on the outskirts of London during one of its busiest times, in broad daylight, all watched over by CCTV machines of convenient fail?

Luton Station car park showing the area where the Brava and Micra parked

Is it even vaguely credible that the scenario described above is actually what really happened on the morning of the 7th July 2005?

Really?